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Class and Culture debate

The Transnational Capitalist Class

Leslie Sklair

© Leslie Sklair 2008

The idea of a transnational capitalist class is usually, though not always, connected with theories of the ways in which capitalism has been globalizing since the second half of the twentieth century. While the prime method of analysing capitalism itself was more or less restricted to national capitalisms and the relations between them, transnational or even globalizing aspects of capitalism were bound to receive scant attention from scholars. Therefore, though the idea of an international bourgoisie has been part of Marxist and neo-Marxist theory for some time, the specific concept of the transnational capitalist class has had to wait for the creation of theories of capitalism as a truly global system. Theories of the international bourgeoisie tend to be conceptualized in state-centrist terms and to focus mainly on business leaders, usually big capitalists, and their corporations in rich and powerful countries, exploiting capitalists, workers and peasants in poor countries. The transnational capitalist class, in contrast, transcends national class structures and, for some researchers, includes groups whose members do not directly own the means of production but, nevertheless, directly serve the interests of global capitalism.

The concept of the transnational capitalist class is anticipated by several authors, notably in Robert Cox’s thesis on the emergence of a global class structure (Cox 1987) and in the work of Stephen Gill (1991) on the Trilateral Commission, where he identifies a ‘developing transnational capitalist class fraction’, but neither of these writers sets out to elaborate the concept fully or to establish the existence of such a class empirically. Van der Pijl, in his research on the ‘Atlantic ruling class’ and subsequently (1998) provides valuable conceptual indications that such a class might extend itself beyond the regional.

The transnational capitalist class (TCC) plays a central role in my theory of capitalist globalization (see references) where it is the characteristic institutional form of political transnational practices in the global capitalist system (paralleling the role of transnational corporations in the economic sphere and consumerism in the culture-ideology sphere). In this formulation the TCC is analytically divided into four main fractions:

(i) those who own and control the major transnational corporations and their local affiliates (the corporate fraction);

(ii) globalizing bureaucrats and politicians (the state fraction);

(iii) globalizing professionals (the technical fraction); and

(iv) merchants and media (the consumerist fraction).

The transnational capitalist class may be seen as transnational in at least five senses. The economic interests of its members tend to be increasingly globally linked; it seeks economic control in the workplace, political control in the domestic and international spheres, and culture-ideology control through consumerism; its members tend to hold outward-oriented rather than inward-oriented nationalist perspectives on a variety of issues, notably support for ‘free trade’ and neo-liberal economic and social policies; they tend to be people from many countries, more and more of whom project images of themselves as ‘citizens of the world’ as well as of their places of birth and/or domicile; and they tend to share similar life-styles, particularly patterns of higher education (international business schools) and consumption of luxury goods and services. As Carroll and Carson (2002) show, there is evidence to suggest the existence of a network of global corporations and elite policy groups and that this provides important structural underpinnings for transnational capitalist class formation. Despite real geographical and sectoral conflicts, the whole of the transnational capitalist class shares a fundamental interest in the continued accumulation of private profit wherever there are profits to be made.

The most radical departure from conventional theories of the capitalist class represented in this conception of the transnational capitalist class is its relocation of the role of the state. Most theories of the capitalist class either see the state as ‘the executive committee of the bourgeoisie’ (to use an old-fashioned though still fairly common sentiment on the Left) or argue that powerful states and their big capitalists (usually in the USA) dominate the world and, latterly, the globalization process. Both Embong (2000) in his analysis of transnational class relations in my work and that of Cox, and Langman (2002) in his review article, for example, criticize the inflation of the concept to include groups that are not strictly capitalist in nature, thus obscuring the role of the state. Robinson and Harris (2000) develop a related argument on the ways in which transnational state relations can be articulated with three types of neo-liberalism within the transnational capitalist class, namely free-market conservatism, neo-liberal structuralism, and neo-liberal regulationist. It can, however, be argued that all of these critiques fail to see the state as a site of struggle between, on the one hand, globalizing bureaucrats and politicians and, on the other, nationalist bureaucrats and politicians. (Bureaucrats and politicians can, of course, be globalizing on some issues and nationalist on others). This debate continues.

While most theory and research on class continues to be state-centrist, focusing largely on classes within specific countries, the growing influence of globalization in the social sciences appears to be encouraging more scholars to work in the global as well as the local context. In such an environment, increased interest in concepts like the transnational capitalist class is to be expected.

References

Carroll, W. and Carson, C. (2002) The Network of Global Corporations and Elite Policy Groups: a Structure for Transnational Capitalist Class Formation. Global Networks 3/1 (January): 29-58.

Cox, R. (1987) Production, Power, and World Order: Social Forces in the Making of History, New York: Columbia University Press.

Embong, A.R. (2000) Globalization and Transnational Class Relations: Some Problems of Conceptualization. Third World Quarterly 21/6: 989-1000.

Gill, S. (1990) American Hegemony and the Trilateral Commission, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Langman, L. (2002) (Review Article of Sklair, 2001) Theory & Society 31: 560-570.

Robinson, W. and Harris, J. (2000) Towards a global ruling class? Globalization and the Transnational Capitalist Class. Science & Society 64: 11-54.

Sklair, L. (1991) Sociology of the Global System, first edition. London and Baltimore: Harvester and The Johns Hopkins University Press.

----- (1998) The Transnational Capitalist Class and Global Capitalism: the case of the tobacco industry. Political Power and Social Theory 12, pp.3-43.

----- (2001) The Transnational Capitalist Class, Boston and Oxford: Blackwell.

------ (2002) Globalization: Capitalism and Its Alternatives. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

----- (2005) The Transnational Capitalist Class and Contemporary Architecture in Globalizing Cities. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 29/3: 485-500.

Van der Pijl, K. (1998) Transnational Classes and International Relations. London: Routledge.

Updated version of item first published in Encyclopedia of International Political Economy. London: Routledge, 2001.

Leslie Sklair is Emeritus Professor of Sociology at LSE and author of Globalization: Capitalism and its Alternatives (2002).


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