debates

 

 

Class and Culture debate


Between Marx and Muhammed: Class politics and British Muslims

Amir Saeed

© Amir Saeed 2008

‘This is total bull-shit! The Israelis kill us. Nothing is said. The US gives them guns no-one cares. Yet we are the terrorists. No this is a new war against Islam (emphasis added)’

The above is a quote from a young British Muslim male whom I interviewed during a study on the wider socio-political effects of 9/11 on British Muslims. The statement was made in a focus group that became increasingly animated and passionate when discussing the post 9/11 fallout. After the meeting I spoke to the participant and asked him if he could see any connections between the other alleged non- Muslim “terror” states such as Cuba/ North Korea and the build up to the war in Iraq and increasing public Islamophobia. In short I was trying to make him see connections between capitalism, class interests and imperialism. After much private discussion he remarked that I should not “give up” on Islam. My own comment was that the class struggle was an essential part of the Islamic doctrine of social justice yet I was aware that I could not, no matter how I tried, make this young man see the connections between capitalist structure, class oppression and the increase in Islamophobia.

Religion, although an important part of my life, was not the overriding ideology. What was important was to have the right to practice (if I chose) my faith without fear, intimidation and ridicule. This willingness to put secular rights over religion mirrored my political maturity that was awakened in the 1980s: a time when, in Scotland at least, skin colour seemed more important than religion. In many respects, my political identity was modelled around inclusive definitions of ‘black.’ I understood the term ‘black’ as meaning people of Third World origin who were victims of European imperialism. Whether they were Latin American, African or Asian, to me they were part of the colonised globe amd thus deserved my support. The events of 9/11 and the subsequent levels of hostility events have made me question my own notion of hybridity. Increasingly I experience and see Muslims having to emphasise their Britishness. It seems they are given a stark choice being British or be Muslim. In short assimilate not just integrate.

However much they seek to identify themselves as British, young Muslims regularly find that others assume them to be first and foremost Muslim. In Britain today, especially after the events of 9/11 and the beginning of the so-called ‘War on Terror’, it is now Muslims who have been identified as a group of potentially ‘false nationals’ and systematically constructed as the other. A discourse has been produced that directly links British Muslims with support for terrorism, fundamentalism, ‘illegal immigration’ and an ‘Oriental’ stereotype of the East. British Muslims are repeatedly implored by voices in the media and by politicians of all sides to make more strenuous efforts to ‘integrate’ into British society, and reassert their loyalty to the British state in a manner that no non-Muslim anti-war group would ever be instructed. In short demands of integration seem to be associated with “be quiet and behave.”

However it could be argued that as well as this ‘racist’ discrimination, the history of Muslims also bears witness to class oppression. As a whole, Muslims are one of the poorest sections of British society. One in seven of economically active Muslims are unemployed, compared with one in 20 for the wider population. The two biggest Muslim communities in Britain, those originating in Pakistan and Bangladesh, are particularly impoverished. Ironically, when Muslims do try to participate within society they have been treated with suspicion both by the Left and ‘liberal’ elements of society.

The moral panic surrounding the events of 9/11, and 7/7 have led to a right-wing led debate under the guise of community cohesion that suggested a return to “core national values/culture” (note that the debates suggest the lack of precise meanings for these terms; ‘national’ and ‘culture’) alongside stricter immigration and policing controls. A neo-right discourse has been formulated that questions the whole concept of multiculturalism. What makes this different from other right wing criticism of multiculturalism is that much of it is coming from previously centre left commentators. Some of this language has taken even the more sinister view of questioning the need of immigration, minority communities and the actual benefits of a multicultural society. Furthermore, a lot of the ‘blame’ for the failure of multiculturalism has been attached to Islam’s incompatibility with living within the ‘democratic’ principles of the West.

For example RESPECT’s recent modest electoral success has been met with criticism that it is a “Muslim” party. Yet in the areas where Respect gained seats (East London), the demographics would suggest that even if every Muslim in these wards voted for RESPECT, they would not win. In short non-Muslims were attracted to the left wing manifesto that offered an alternative to Labour. However for many, including Muslim members of the Labour Party, the class element was diluted from the politics. Indeed some elements on the Left even argued that RESPECT was a Muslim party that did not address the needs of the other sections of the working class. Likewise, the mainstream media assumed RESPECT was a Muslim Party and represented it as such. In short, Muslim willingness to participate in democratic politics was viewed with suspicion and debate rather than just simply being welcomed.

The challenge here is immense. The young Muslim cited at the start of this article needs to realize the West’s foreign policy is linked to domestic policy on issues such as housing/education and welfare. The young Muslim needs to recognize that oppression does not begin with imperialist foreign policy but with domestic welfare cuts that target the most vulnerable in society, Muslim or non-Muslim. In short Islamic fundamentalism that divides the working classes is not the greatest threat but market fundamentalism that promotes racism both abroad and at home.

Dr Amir Saeed is a senior lecturer in Media and Cultural studies at the University of Sunderland. His research interests are in 'race,' and ethnicity


Comment on this article

Read previous comments


 

Subscribe to Soundings a journal of politics and culture

 

about Soundingscurrent issueeditorialback issuesstyle guide

orders
journals
subscriptions
about us
permissions
links
search


about Soundingscurrent issueeditorialback issuesstyle guide


soundings35

Sounding 34

 

 

 

subscribe to Soundings

 

 

Lawrence & Wishart
99a Wallis Road
London E9 5LN
T:020 8533 2506
F:020 8533 7369

info@lwbooks.co.uk